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Post 7 – Background of Communist movement in Italy, 1943-on

Some of the students have either researched or remembered those days of ’68-’69. I’d like to fill in a few of the developments that were left out, plus clarify some references that Lenu’ makes in the third volume.

When Italy tried to make a separate peace with the Allies in September 1943, Germany still occupied much of the Italian peninsula. They maintained Mussolini and his fascist party in power in much of the country (while U.S. and British troops moved north from Sicily). One reason the Italian Communist Party (Partito Communista Italiano — PCI) was so popular and strong in the post-war period is that the Communists were the main organizers of a partisan guerrilla war against the German occupation and the fascists. They were especially strong in the northern part of the country and organized an uprising on April 25, 1945, that liberated those parts from the German occupation before the U.S. troops arrived. There was even an uprising in Naples, which I’ll discuss later.

Not only did the Communist vote grow from about 20% to 35% nationally by the mid-1970s, but the party governed cities; for example, Bologna had almost uninterrupted governance by the party. And the Communist Party was very strong in the working class in the industrial centers of Genoa, Turin and Milan; they led the main unions. Right after the war, because the fascists were completely discredited for destroying Italy, while the smaller capitalist parties were compromised with fascism, it appeared possible that the Communists would take power. The U.S. State Department got these small capitalist parties to unite and along with the Vatican created the Christian Democrats, and the U.S. did everything it could to decide the 1948 election. The Christian Democrats led the national government from about 1948 to 1960 or so and then in alliance with the Socialist Party and others until the 1990s. But I don’t want to get ahead on this.

By the time of the 68-69 massive workers’ strikes and student protests, the more radical students and workers considered the Communist Party of Italy (PCI) to be quite conservative and tied to the existing political structure. (The U.S. and the Italian capitalists and military on the other hand never wanted to allow the PCI into the national government and had secret organizations determined to stop this from happening.) In the novel we see Pasquale, a worker who starts as a PCI member, grow furious at the party leadership, calling them bureaucrats. He is also angry that they didn’t support his father when he was charged with murdering Don Achille, and says his father “had taken part in the Four Days of Naples,” (p116) which was the uprising against the fascists and the German occupation in Naples (an aside, there is a movie of that name about the uprising, which I saw at least twice in the 1960s). Lenu’ also grows disillusioned with the PCI, and at one time she says that she stopped reading l’Unita‘, the PCI newspaper, and started reading Lotta Continua and Il Manifesto. (p249)

The movement was so big that these other newspapers were produced by other political organizations, Lotta Continua and some Lenu’ doesn’t mention like Democrazia Proletaria, Avanguardia Operai that were considered more revolutionary that the PCI. They themselves had thousands of members and tens of thousands of sympathizers although they were small compared to the PCI itself.

Lenu’ also mentions some of the bombings, in particular that of a bank in Milan, which I had forgotten. I remember a bombing of the Bologna train station that killed a lot of people and also one of a train traveling near Brescia in the north of the country. While there was an attempt to blame those bombings on small communist groups that were made up of people even more frustrated than Pasquale, but were unable to, it was too unreasonable. It turned out that there was a right-wing militarist conspiracy that carried out such actions precisely to prevent the PCI from entering the government.

Lila, by the way, is a fantastic organizer on the shop floor, at least how Lenu described it. Well, I’ve written enough so I’ll stop here.

Politics, God and sex

Elena has found a calling writing articles about workers struggles at the Soccavo factory in the local communist newspaper L’Unita. She had taken the paper of demands for improving working conditions written by Lila to create and write an article and instantly becomes somewhat of an expert on and darling of the political left. Does Elena breaks though the margins the smarginatura by writing for the newspaper because a serious novelist at the time in Italy would never consider doing so?  I posed a question to Lynn Nesbit renown literary agent, would she discourage her authors from writing journalistic pieces for a newspaper. She answered absolutely not in fact it would help sales of books. But then she added she did not know the publishing business in Italy and perhaps it’s different there.  

Although Elena gets the fame and credit it’s Lila that does the heavy lifting. Unwilling initially in getting involved, it is Pasquale who talks her into helping because she has the intelligence that he lacks. So it is Lila that becomes the point of the spear. It is Lila that writes the demands, who takes insults and threats from fellow employee and who bring the paper of demands to Bruno and puts her job in jeopardy. 

Julie writes of the turbulent times and social upheaval in the 60s and 70s. That students revolt against a “antiquated , rigid educational system and a capitalist patriarchal society.” But with all history there is conflicting opinions of political movements and their results. Some like respected Italian historian Indro Montanelli states that the sessatotto was a “lost of civility, where horde of illiterates invaded public and private lives with their ignorance” so some may have called it a “myth” others say that what was left behind was the ‘statuto dei lavoro’ workers rights and this in itself was well worth the pain. Kelsey writes that Elena says “I never though of being a freelance journalist. I did it because it made me happy.” She is not only writing behind a typewriter she is taking to the streets and the picket lines. Not like what it seems to me what the elites Gallini and Airota families do, hiding in their crystal towers cheering the working man on to do their bidding. Paraskevi asks the question why have a priest validate a marriage? I would answer Elena mother was raised in cultural Catholicism where it was not a choice and church was a natural part of everyday life and not challenged. What the mother may not understand and a question Paraskey poses is can one be with God without religion? I certainly believe so and in times of hardship we even see Elena struggle with faith when asking the Virgin Mary for help. Ariana writes of the importance of language and how it can hold someone back socially and economically. That was true in Italy in the 60s and 70s as it is true today in America.  One’s speech, right or wrong is an indication of upbringing and education.   

One importation omission in the blogs was any comment of the “elephant in the room” or as Pasquale says about Lila “she’s not made for sex”. Later we find that Lila does not have or can not experience the full pleasure of sexual intercourse. In my thoughts she’s unavailable either physically or mentally to fulfill a complete organism. To do so would mean abandoning full control which she is unable to do

Indro Montanelli https://binged.it/2WHWGfM

https://www.pw.org/content/agents_amp_editors_qampa_agent_lynn_nesbit?article_page=1

Historical Background of The Neapolitan Novels

By the third book of The Neapolitan Novels, there is a more political tone than ever before. Although we have seen Elena engage briefly with politics in books one and two, it is never her own opinion, and she tends to engage with political discourse at the hands of the men she likes. In Those Who Leave and Those Who Stay our protagonists are older, and their involvement in politics, especially in the Communist party, has intensified. Elena spends a large part of the beginning of Those Who Leave and Those Who Stay recounting Lila’s story of post-divorce life. In that story comes all the new details of politics that Lila is involved in. While reading this section I had to do some background research because I did not know about the politics of Italy during the 1960s and 1970s when the story is taking place. Italy was under a Fascist regime between the years of 1922-1943. The story of Lila and Elena starts in 1944, right after the fall of Mussolini. I do not think it is a coincidence that the story starts there. Elena and Lila were born in a time of change. Gian Mario Cazzaniga says in an interview titled “The Fate of the Party,” that those years after World War II were characterized by “a rapid process of industrialization; the development of mass consumption; a violent urbanization process with massive internal migration” (Gasperin). These social changes are evident in Lila and Elena’s formative years: the push for more education that their parents never received, factories being started for the mass production of shoes and other items, and the start of mass consumption of items like televisions and cars. This is when the Italian Communist Party (PCI) started getting big. In 1947 the PCI had 2.3 million votes, and by 1970, when our new book is taking place, the PCI had nearly a third of the Italian vote (Gasperin). It is no wonder that the book takes such a political turn. It would be hard to write about life in Italy without mentioning the ever-present politics. Now Lila is heavily involved in politics herself, even if she doesn’t want to be. On page 121-122, Lila explains her working conditions at the sausage factory at a Communist meeting. Lila may not realize it at the time, although most of the people around her do, that she is the embodiment of what it means to work in terrible conditions, everything the Communist party is looking to fix. This shows that even people who don’t want to have anything to do with politics do not really have a choice. What is going on in the political world around them is sucking them in, whether they like it or not. I feel Ferrante uses the characters of Elena and Lila to explain the political situation happening in Italy post-war. And Ferrante bring in politics in a way that fits directly into the narrative and is engaging to the reader, not boring. But maybe I could have used a little more background information from Ferrante.

Source:

https://www.jacobinmag.com/2018/01/italian-communist-party-togliatti-berlinguer-hot-autumn-students

Midterm Presentations-Program

 

10:00-10:15             Coffee

10:15-11:00             Session 1Moderator: Julie Anne Forgione

10:15-10:25             Annabella Shehata, The Woman’s Body in the Neapolitan Novels

10:30-10:40               Ariana Guzman, An Analysis of the Use of Dolls in Elena Ferrante’s Neapolitan Novels

10:45-10:55               Zevi Gkana, Guilty pleasures in Ferrante’s Neapolitan Novels

11:00-12:00             Session 2Moderator: Ariana Guzman

11:00-11:10               Kelsey Hyppolite, Ferrante’s Women: Parallels with Real Life

11:15-11:25               Jackie Vargas, A Parasitic Friendship

11:30-11:40               Irini Belitsis, Female Identity: Lila and Lenù’s Reciprocated Reliance and           Dependency

11:45-11:55               Christopher Erazo, Who is Truly the “Brilliant Friend”

12:00-1:00pm           Session 3 – Moderator:  Irini Belitsis

12:00-12:10               Julie Anne Forgione, My Brilliant Friend and The Story of a New Name: The First Two Volumes of Ferrante’s Neapolitan Novels as Metafiction

12:15-12:25               Katherine Jackson, Views on Education in the Neapolitan Novels

12:30-12:40              Shoshana Mintz, Functions of Writing in the Neapolitan Novels

12:45-12:55               Paul Frediani, Circle of Violence

 

Followed by closing remarks by Professor Stefania Porcelli

 

 

Reminder – writing workshop

Hi!

This is a reminder that tomorrow there will be a writing workshop (how to write a final paper) in room 1324 HW, at 2.30-3-30pm, conducted by Luca Zamparini and myself. We will focus on how to choose a topic and develop a thesis statement, as well as on the typical structure of a paper.

I hope you can be there!

Presentations’ titles

Please write your title by leaving a comment to this post by Saturday, October 26. We want to prepare a program for the presentations.

You have to keep reading this week, but you don’t have to write a post (unless you really want to!)

Reminder: no lecture tonight!

Dear All,

Prof. Lombardi’s lecture will take place on Nov. 7. I am sorry for the inconvenience. I hope everybody got this message. Some of you, however, don’t get notification from this website, because you never accepted my invite to be part of the group. I am sending the invitation again to everyone who is not a member yet. If the problem persist you have to contact the helpdesk (or maybe you are checking the wrong email address: you need to use the address you used to create your CUNY Commons account).

I will see you on Wed., October 23. Please read the instructions for your blog and readings in my post below.

Thanks for taking the survey. If you haven’t taken it, please do it at your earliest convenience, since I am now planning our next sessions. Thank you!

Midterm survey

Dear All,

Please take this short survey to help me organize the rest of the semester. We are halfway there and I would like to know what is working for you in this class, and what you would like to change.

I would also like to remind you to fill in the participation self-evaluation sheet after each class.

Thank you. Take the survey!